Entrevista à Rádio Macau

O autor d'O Protesto foi o convidado do «Rádio Macau Entrevista» de sábado passado. A gravação do programa pode ser ouvida aqui (a imagem acima é do jornal Hoje Macau de hoje).

O fim do Fórum Macau

Regressado a Macau após uma ausência de três semanas, é com pena que acabo de constatar que o vetusto Fórum Macau deixou de estar disponível online. Há muito que já não apresentava qualquer actividade, é certo, mas continuava a disponibilizar um importante acervo de documentos publicados na imprensa local e de Portugal nos meses que se seguiram ao handover do território.

Dada esta perda e considerando o rápido aproximar do décimo aniversário da criação da RAEM, tentarei colocar alguns desses documentos (e outros...) n'O Protesto, até para que a evocação da efeméride por certos responsáveis de outrora não constitua mais um exercício de branqueamento despudorado dos erros e abusos cometidos, como algumas declarações surgidas na imprensa de hoje parecem começar já a indiciar...

Nota: agradeço ao Bairro do Oriente a inclusão desta posta na sua selecção da semana.

Tirem-me de Hong Kong!

I'm a Hongkonger - get me out of here

Daniel Sin
South China Morning Post
November 15, 2009

Hong Kong, Iraq and Sri Lanka wouldn't appear to have much in common. Ethnic conflict, suicide bombings and rampant corruption are not the city's hallmarks.

But if an international poll is to be believed, the citizens of all three share the same desire to get the hell out and find somewhere more liveable. And the survey is comprehensive: US consultancy Gallup surveyed 260,000 adults in 135 countries.

Gallop compiled the results to produce a "potential net migration index", which shows the difference between the number of people who would like to leave a country - or, in the case of Hong Kong and some others, a city - and the number who would love to move there. A country's score is recorded as a percentage of its total adult population.

With a score of minus 15 per cent, Hong Kong ranks 65th, on a par with Mexico, Iraq and Sri Lanka. Since people can hardly be queuing to migrate to any of those countries for a new life, they owe their scores to the number of citizens rushing for the exits. And so it is with Hong Kong, if Gallup is right: a million more people, a seventh of the population, want to leave the city than move to it.

Perhaps more galling to Hong Kong boosters, Singapore topped the charts with a score of plus 260 per cent.

The second most attractive country was Saudi Arabia (perhaps explained by the fact polling in the Gulf states was confined to resident and expatriate Arabs), followed, less surprisingly, by New Zealand, Canada and Australia. Mainland China came in 41st, on minus five per cent.

Immigration consultant Benny Cheung Kai-hei said his firm handled more applications from Hongkongers wanting to migrate than from people wanting to come to the city.

He said many Hongkongers were on the lookout for a better environment for their children, as they found the city's welfare and education systems unfavourable. "It is also overpopulated, with heavy traffic congestion and serious air pollution," said Cheung, director of Goldmax International.

Immigration consultant Richard Aziz Butt said the government was not doing enough to attract expatriates to settle in Hong Kong.

Butt said the Capital Investment Entrant Scheme, which requires an entrant to invest HK$6.5 million in property or stocks, was not applicable to potential migrants who just wanted to come to set up a small business.

Many clients told him that people in Hong Kong "made too many complaints", he said. "They protest over very small matters - even lawmakers are quarrelling with each other - and racial discrimination is widespread."

Butt said many members of ethnic minorities were leaving the city; he says he has helped about 300 families move elsewhere in the past couple of years.

Eddie Kwan King-hung, of EK Immigration Consultant Ltd, is a bit more sceptical.

"The survey might have overlooked the fact there is a quota of 150 mainland Chinese who are allowed to move to Hong Kong [each day]," Kwan said.

He said the city was a popular destination for many mainland Chinese, who applied to become Hong Kong residents through the Quality Migrant Admission Scheme and the capital investment entrant scheme.

"Compare this to the number of Hong Kong people migrating overseas, which has dropped to less than 11,000 a year from the peak of 90,000 in the 1990s," Kwan said.

In Causeway Bay yesterday, born-and-bred Hongkonger Mr Pang said he had absolutely no intention of leaving the city because his lifestyle was better in Hong Kong, with its reasonable prices.

Besides, he said, he didn't have the money to move elsewhere, given that many countries required considerable wealth to achieve the same lifestyle as he enjoys now.

Robert Raufer, a visitor from the US, said if he were to move to Hong Kong, he would consider factors such as air quality, lifestyle and health issues.

"Hong Kong should do more about air pollution," he said.

Nota: no estudo da Gallup, Portugal ficou no 23.º lugar do índice de "aprazibilidade", a par da Malásia, Holanda e Itália. Nada mau...

As prisões negras da China

Francisca Gorjão Henriques
Público
12 de Novembro de 2009

Não são assassinos, não infringem a lei. No entanto, as autoridades não os querem na rua. Os peticionários chineses cumprem uma tradição milenar de sair das suas terras para procurar justiça em Pequim, ou noutras grandes cidades. O que encontram está mais perto do inferno, segundo a descrição de um relatório que hoje é publicado pela Human Rights Watch.

Chamam-lhe as “prisões negras”. Não são as tradicionais cadeias, com polícias à porta, mas geralmente, hotéis estatais, lares ou hospitais psiquiátricos. Sequestram as pessoas na rua, colocam-nas em carros, e fecham-nas durante dias ou meses. Uma vez detidas, são espancadas, violadas, ameaçadas, roubadas.

“Todos os dias, só me deixavam dormir três horas e acordavam-me a qualquer momento para que eu não pudesse fugir. Eu estava sempre com fome, mas não conseguia comida suficiente. A segunda vez que fui detido, por 37 dias, perdi 20 quilos”. A Human Rights Watch (HRW) fez esta entrevista a um antigo detido, mas como nos outros casos, deixou secreta a sua identificação. Nada garante que este ex-preso, como todos os outros, não volte a estar na mira dos guardas.

“Sabemos há algum tempo, pelo menos desde 2003, que a China tem uma história desonrosa de prisões à margem da lei”, comentou por telefone ao PÚBLICO a investigadora da HRW Sophie Richardson, a partir de Hong Kong.

É impossível saber quantos estão presos, porque oficialmente não foram detidos. Tudo se passa à margem do sistema judicial, tão à margem que as autoridades governamentais negam que essa realidade exista. “O Governo chinês repudiou publicamente um sistema que permitia à polícia deter migrantes sem qualquer base legal”, continua Sophie Richardson, mas sabe e fecha os olhos às “prisões negras”.

No relatório de 53 páginas, intitulado “Via para o Inferno”, a HRW explica que os detidos são peticionários, a maioria proveniente das zonas rurais, que vão para Pequim ou outras capitais de província à procura de resposta das autoridades aos abusos de que se sentem alvo – desde confiscação de terras, à corrupção governamental. Os responsáveis locais procuram com as “prisões negras” impedir que as suas queixas se façam ouvir, para que não tenham de responder às sanções burocráticas que são impostas quando existe um grande número de petições.

“A grande maioria dos detidos são peticionários, mas também não excluímos a hipótese de que possa haver pessoas que não agradam ao Governo”, como dissidentes políticos, adianta Richardson. Da mesma forma, os casos estudados foram de pessoas presas durante dias ou meses, mas isso não quer dizer que alguns passem anos detidos nas “prisões negras”.

“Fizemos 40 entrevistas, todos tinham sido detidos sem que lhes dissessem quanto tempo iam estar presos, e todos sem saberem qual era a acusação. Alguns foram sequestrados na rua”, continua a investigadora.

“São desumanos”, relatou uma entrevistada da província de Jiangsu, que passou um mês presa. “Duas pessoas puxaram-me pelo cabelo e puseram-me num carro. Amarram-me as mãos e eu não conseguia mexer-me. Depois, puseram-me dentro de um quarto onde estavam duas mulheres que me despiram e me bateram na cabeça e deram pontapés”.

Há informações de que entre os detidos há menores de 18 anos, incluindo uma rapariga de 15 que foi raptada em Pequim, onde se preparava para apresentar uma petição por causa do pai, que fora fechado num lar da província de Gansu durante mais de dois meses, onde foi espancado.

“O Governo deveria tomar acções céleres para encerrar estas instalações, investigar os que as gerem e dar assistência aos que foram vítimas de abusos nelas”, lê-se no relatório.

O exemplo de Macau...

Beijing official plays down 'jibe'

Ambrose Leung and Albert Wong
South China Morning Post
November 12, 2009

A top Beijing official in Hong Kong yesterday tried to play down comments by a colleague in the capital that were seen as criticising the lack of co-operation between Hong Kong's government and judiciary.

Li Gang, deputy director of the central government's liaison office, said Hong Kong should not try to learn from Macau if the majority of the public did not want it.

On Tuesday, Zhang Xiaoming, deputy director of the State Council's Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office, praised the Macau judiciary for co-operating with the Macau government and legislature, saying it was "constructive" for society, in contrast to Hong Kong.

Zhang, who was speaking in Beijing ahead of the 10th anniversary of Macau's handover in 1999, also praised Macau for "never blindly following others" and for its "resolve in opposing foreign interference".

When asked whether Zhang was hinting courts in Hong Kong should be more pro-government - concerns voiced by pan-democrats, who pointed out Hong Kong's tradition of judicial independence - Li said Zhang was only referring to Macau.

"He did not say Hong Kong should learn from Macau," Li said. "I believe if the vast majority of the public believe Hong Kong should learn from Macau's success it should be done. But if the majority do not like it, then it should not be done."

Last year, a similar row erupted when Vice-President Xi Jinping called for "mutual understanding and support" among the executive, the legislature and the judiciary in Hong Kong during a visit, resulting in questions about judicial independence. The Bar Association said judicial independence was a matter of fundamental importance to Hong Kong, and was protected by the Basic Law.

"The judiciary is not and should not be seen as a part of the governance team of Hong Kong," it said. "The judiciary plays the indispensable role of providing the necessary check and control over abuse, illegal or excessive use of executive and legislative power."

Civic Party legislator Ronny Tong Ka-wah, a former Bar Association chairman, said: "Macau is a very bad example. Not only should we not copy Macau, but we should be avoiding copying Macau as much as possible ... do you want to see your chief executive returned automatically without competition?"

Legal-sector lawmaker Margaret Ng Ngoi-yee, also from the Civic Party, said she was surprised by Zhang's "Opium War mentality" and paranoia about foreign forces interfering in local affairs.

Macau na UPU

Como habitualmente, Macau fez-se representar nos trabalhos do Conselho de Administração da União Postal Universal (UPU), e reuniões paralelas, que estão a decorrer nesta altura em Berna, capital da Suíça. A delegação do território é encabeçada pelo director dos Correios de Macau, eng.º Roldão Lopes, e inclui ainda Gregory Sun e eu próprio (foto abaixo).

A principal aposta dos Correios de Macau nestas sessões continua a ser tentar impulsionar o desenvolvimento dos chamados Serviços Electrónicos Postais Seguros (SePS); concretamente, o EPCM e o PReM (na tradução portuguesa, Carimbo Postal Electrónico Certificado e Correio Electrónico Registado Postal).

Nesse sentido, fiz uma apresentação sobre possíveis alterações a diversas normas da Convenção e dos regulamentos da UPU no encontro do Grupo de Serviços Electrónicos do Comité de Padrões e Tecnologia do Conselho de Operações Postais da UPU, no seguimento de outra que já fizera na anterior reunião do mesmo grupo, em Maio passado.

Com o mesmo espírito, a delegação de Macau fez outras duas apresentações durante os trabalhos do Grupo de Utilizadores de Serviços Electrónicos Avançados da Cooperativa Telemática da UPU. A parte jurídica das apresentações esteve a meu cargo e a parte técnica a cargo do meu colega Gregory Sun, vice-coordenador deste grupo.

Nova ofensiva contra os piratas de Macau

Leio no Ponto Final de ontem que a TV Cabo Macau desencadeou uma nova ofensiva contra os piratas (vulgo, anteneiros) que distribuem ilegalmente sinais de televisão nos lares e estabelecimentos comerciais do território: cansada da inércia das autoridades (nomeadamente, da DSRT), a concessionária foi para tribunal, interpondo uma providência cautelar contra três anteneiros. Para isso, contou com os depoimentos de representantes da ESPN/Star Sports e da Cable and Satellite Broadcasting Association of Asia.

Embora tendo bastas razões de queixa contra a (fraca) qualidade do serviço disponibilizado pela TV Cabo, só lhe posso desejar as maiores felicidades nesta batalha judicial. É que o que se passa entre nós em matéria de pirataria televisiva é uma completa vergonha. Os anteneiros - que, em alguns casos, estão ligados a interesses na área da construção e gestão imobiliária - chegam a vedar o acesso dos técnicos da TV Cabo aos prédios, para que estes não consigam servir novos clientes. Ou, então, deixam-nos entrar e instalar os seus equipamentos, e depois cortam-lhes os cabos ou desligam a electricidade...

Como recorda a peça do Ponto Final, as autoridades locais pareceram ganhar coragem há alguns anos, anunciando que iam começar a exigir o licenciamento dos anteneiros e o cancelamento da distribuição de canais com equipamentos contrafeitos, que permitem descodificar os sinais televisivos fechados sem qualquer assinatura.

Os piratas reagiram com uma impensável posição de força contra a Administração: simplesmente, desligaram os equipamentos instalados em milhares de prédios do território, vedando o acesso dos seus residentes a todo e qualquer sinal televisivo, incluindo os dos canais abertos (como a TDM, a TVB e a ATV).

Alguém os processou então? A polícia interveio para repor a ordem (sim, aquilo era um caso de polícia, por razões que já esmiucei em outros momentos)? Não, nadinha! O Governo encolheu-se e a vergonha continuou...

Quem deve estar a rir-se de tudo isto é a Portugal Telecom: quando era a accionista maioritária da TV Cabo, deparou-se com a constante má vontade do regulador local, que via esta concessão com um dos últimos favores das autoridades portuguesas às suas cores antes da transferência de soberania (e não deixava de ter "alguma" razão...); mas, agora que a titularidade da concessionária mudou para mãos locais, os problemas de que a PT tantou se queixava mantêm-se e o novo proprietário da empresa está a ficar desesperado. Afinal, isto não era uma questão de a TV Cabo ser portuguesa ou não...

O problema, o verdadeiro problema, é a forma como a lei é encarada por muita gente em Macau, incluindo quem manda: só é para cumprir quando dá jeito ou não dá trabalho...

A concorrência (que virá) de Singapura

Singapore casinos to raise the stakes
Big-budget resorts bet on 'wow' factors such as theme parks to lure punters from Macau

Neil Gough, in Singapore
South China Morning Post
November 02, 2009

Macau may be Asia's Las Vegas, but Singapore is lifting the ante in a matter of months with the opening of two of the most expensive casino resorts in the world.

The final budget has not yet been set for Las Vegas Sands Corp's 2,500-room Marina Bay Sands, due to begin opening in phases from early next year. But at about US$6 billion, the latest cost estimates make it more than twice as expensive to build as the company's 3,000-room Venetian Macao and five times as much as rival Wynn Macau.

Trailing not far behind by project cost is the 59-hectare Resorts World theme park resort on Sentosa Island being built by Malaysia's Genting Group, the second half of the rising Singaporean duopoly.

Genting's resort will cost an estimated US$4.7 billion at current exchange rates - still almost double the cost of the Venetian Macao, the world's largest casino.

However, in addition to hefty project budgets, which are being financed largely by loans from Singaporean banks, a number of challenging regulatory and strategic questions remain over exactly how the city state's twin casinos will stack up against Macau and other destinations in competing for Asia's gambling dollars.

Both the city state's casino developers are betting big that "wow" factors such as a 200-metre-high "skypark" or a 24-ride Universal Studios theme park will lure punters, business travellers and holidaymakers from across Asia to their Singapore resorts.

"It's going to be a destination by itself," says Marina Bay Sands' executive vice-president of operations Ronen Nissenbaum. "People will come to Singapore to be at this site and say: 'I've been there, I've done that, I've got the T-shirt'."

The three 55-storey towers of Marina Bay Sands have already topped off and construction workers last week were busy installing a labyrinth of ventilation ducts. The resort plans to go from 350 staff to 10,000 as it opens in phases from early next year.

The roof of the towering project will feature a "skypark" that is longer than the Eiffel Tower is tall and includes a huge swimming pool, viewing platform and a number of bars and restaurants.

Also on offer will be six celebrity chef restaurants, more than 300 retail shops including a "Louis Vuitton Island" accessed by underwater tunnel, a convention centre and two theatres that will open with Disney's Lion King stage musical as one of the resident shows.

The casino at the resort will span 15,000 square metres of gaming space over four floors, including two floors dedicated to VIP gaming. The property will employ 4,500 casino-focused staff, according to executives.

The hotel will feature just under 2,500 standard rooms and, for the ultra-big spenders, 230 suites that range from two to 10 rooms and cover 743 square metres. "Our rates are going to be the highest in the market," Nissenbaum said.

Genting's Sentosa project is set to open early next year with the Universal theme park and rides such as duelling roller coasters, a Jurassic Park-themed water ride and a Shrek-themed fantasy land. It will also launch with the casino, a theatre, restaurants and four of six hotels that will total 1,800 rooms.

"There will be gaming, definitely. But in terms of positioning, we see that we are going to be different from Macau," said Edward Koh Boon Wee, the Singapore Tourism Board's chief representative and regional director for Greater China. "Singapore has always been perceived as a very family-friendly destination and we want to continue with that image."

In terms of pure casino economics, Singapore should be extremely competitive in luring high rollers, which account for about 65 per cent of all casino winnings in Macau.

The effective tax rate on VIP gaming revenue in Singapore is 12 per cent, compared with 39 per cent in Macau. This means casinos in Singapore are free to pay out higher levels of rebates to high-stakes players, a common practice in the industry.

Likewise, casinos will be able to pay higher commissions to VIP junket agents, the marketing middlemen that in Macau and other Asian gaming jurisdictions function as bankers to high rollers.

Junkets bring high-stakes players to casinos, issue them credit for gambling and collect their debts - often through extrajudicial means in places such as China, where gaming debt is not enforceable through the courts.

However, many of the VIP junket agents that operate in Macau may not be licensable in Singapore because of "suitability" requirements, which are expected to be enforced stringently. While both casinos say they plan to open around the first quarter of next year, Singapore has yet to publish detailed regulations on junkets or to begin the licensing process.

"We have reasons to believe that very few, if any, junket reps, particularly of the Macau style, will be allowed or will want to be licensed in Singapore," Las Vegas Sands chairman and majority shareholder Sheldon Adelson said last week on an investors' conference call.

As a result, Marina Bay Sands plans to partially cut out the junket middlemen and will issue credit and rebates directly to players. "We are gearing up for very strong direct credit and direct play," Adelson said.

Perhaps more important will be the mass market, or non-high rollers: the businessmen, tourists, shoppers and local punters who are expected to fill hotel rooms, shopping centres and theme parks and account for most of non-credit casino play.

But Singaporean locals will face an entry fee of S$100 (HK$555) for a single visit to the casino. Problem gamblers will be able to voluntarily add themselves to a list of people excluded from entering the casinos, as in some Western jurisdictions (but not in Macau). But Singapore has taken this concept a step further - allowing concerned family members to add gamblers to the blacklist.

"There's no doubt that an entry fee is a certain barrier; the question is whether it is one that can be easily overcome or not," Nissenbaum said.

"You have to start from a pretence that Singapore did not decide to open these two resorts to make them unsuccessful."

Indeed, when it comes to luring mass-market tourists from the mainland and Hong Kong, Singapore hopes to compete against Macau by selectively targeting bigger spenders.

"Macau and Hong Kong attract more than a million mainland visitors every month and we only attract a million mainland visitors a year," said Koh of the tourism board, which oversaw the casino resort tendering process. "We are reaching out very carefully to the higher-yield markets of the mainland."

And what if Beijing chooses to restrict visas on mainlanders travelling to Singapore? The central government has done as much in regard to Macau since last year in an attempt to control runaway expansion of gambling among mainlanders.

"If the central government felt that there was a threat to [Macau's] gaming revenue or its position as a destination resort, they could change the visa programme for Singapore in 10 seconds," Wynn Resorts chairman Steve Wynn said last week on a conference call.

"Singapore can be very successful in its own right," said Wynn, who withdrew from bidding for a Singapore gaming licence in 2006 and last month listed his Macau business on the Hong Kong stock market. "But it being a threat to Macau is not a thing that we're worried about," he said.