Pensões ilegais

Li esta norma da proposta de lei intitulada «Proibição de exploração de pensões ilegais», que o Governo da RAEM apresentou na Assembleia Legislativa (e, ao que parece, já foi aprovada na generalidade em 5 de Janeiro passado), e fiquei na dúvida se é um disparate pegado ou sou eu que não estou a ver bem as coisas...

Pelos vistos, para estarmos perante uma pensão ilegal, é preciso que se verifiquem cinco critérios cumulativos:
- Tratar-se de uma fracção autónoma não destinada a fins hoteleiros;
- Ser utilizada para proporcionar alojamento ao público;
- Os hóspedes serem maioritariamente não residentes;
- Não se conhecerem bem entre si; e
- Ocuparem a fracção com horas distintas de entrada ou de saída.

Ora, sem ter lido ainda o resto da proposta ou a sua nota justificativa (parei logo aqui...), pergunto-me: e se a maioria dos hóspedes for residente? A pensão passa a ser legal mesmo que todos os outros critérios fiquem preenchidos? E se forem não residentes, mas tiverem sido todos recrutados no mesmo lugar da mainland (numa aldeia ou numa fábrica, por exemplo) e, por isso, já se conhecerem bem? E se forem mainlanders a trabalhar todos no mesmo lugar em Macau (como é bem possível) e praticarem os mesmos horários de entrada e saída, mesmo que não se conhecessem antes?

Podia continuar, mas tenho que sair. Dão-se alvíssaras a quem me iluminar...

Nota: agradeço a simpática referência a esta posta no Delito de Opinião.

Duas leis parecidas, uma diferença básica

Two similar sets of laws, one basic difference

Frank Ching (*)
South China Morning Post
December 15, 2009

Following Portugal's Carnation Revolution of 1974, the new socialist government in Lisbon offered to return Macau to China but the offer was turned down. China knew that, if it took back Macau, there would be alarm in Hong Kong. The fates of Macau and Hong Kong were, and still are, very closely connected. In the end, China did not take Macau back until after the handover of Hong Kong from Britain.

Both Hong Kong and Macau were provided with a Basic Law by the National People's Congress. These mini-constitutions are largely similar, but with some significant differences. Each, for example, contains an Article 23 obliging the local government to enact laws prohibiting treason, secession, sedition and subversion against the central government.

With the 10th anniversary of the establishment of the Macau Special Administrative Region approaching on Sunday, a symposium was held in Beijing a week ago to mark the coming into effect of Macau's Basic Law.

Wu Bangguo, the NPC chairman, had words of praise for Macau that, to many, seemed like veiled criticism of Hong Kong. For one thing, he praised Macau's people because they "did not politicise conflicts and problems" and had properly handled relations between Macau and Beijing.

He also praised the patriotism of Macau's people and said they agreed that "Macau affairs are China's internal affairs" and they "resolutely oppose and resist interference by external forces". Furthermore, he said that the promulgation of Macau's state security law, in line with Article 23, had further strengthened local people's concept of nationhood.

He did not have to mention that Hong Kong has still not implemented Article 23 legislation after the fiasco in 2003, when half a million people marched to oppose the proposal.

No doubt, in Beijing's mind, many people in Hong Kong have not properly handled relations with the central government and so are not even allowed to travel to the mainland. They have also invited "interference by external forces" and politicised "conflicts and problems".

Of course, Chinese officials denied that the words were directed at Hong Kong. Li Gang, a deputy director of the central government's liaison office in Hong Kong, rejected the idea that Wu's remarks were actually criticism of Hong Kong.

Nonetheless, many Hong Kong politicians - and, no doubt, government officials - are interpreting Wu's remarks as pressure on the former British colony to implement Article 23. If this does not happen in the remaining years of Chief Executive Donald Tsang Yam-kuen's term, no doubt the next chief executive will see it as one of his primary missions.

There are other striking differences between the Macau Basic Law and that of Hong Kong. For one thing, while Hong Kong's legislature is technically fully elected, albeit in various ways, Macau's has appointed members. The Macau Basic Law, speaking of the legislature, says simply: "The majority of its members shall be elected."

Unlike the Hong Kong Basic Law, which says the ultimate goal is the election of both the chief executive and all legislators by universal suffrage, the Macau Basic Law is silent on that point. Since China had two more years to ponder the provisions in the Macau Basic Law, it seems likely that they more accurately reflect Beijing's preferences.

The British lobbied hard for an elected legislature to be put first in the Joint Declaration, and then implemented in the Basic Law. The Portuguese, it seems, did not consider it important. The result is that Macau's much tamer population, which can probably be counted on to return chief executives and legislators acceptable to Beijing, have been denied such a right. Ironically, Hong Kong's much more assertive population is demanding such a right, and Beijing clearly does not feel comfortable about granting it.

(*) Frank Ching is a Hong Kong-based writer and commentator.

Alargamento do Legco e da Comissão Eleitoral

Expansion of election panel, Legco on table

Gary Cheung
South China Morning Post
October 17, 2009

The government is again considering expanding the Election Committee that will pick the next chief executive in 2012 and making the Legislative Council bigger.

It made similar proposals four years ago for elections in 2007 and last year which Legco vetoed, but constitutional affairs minister Stephen Lam Sui-lung said the administration would not recycle those ideas.

The government will begin a public consultation next month on possible options for electoral reform in 2012. Chief Executive Donald Tsang Yam-kuen said yesterday he was committed to achieving a "much more democratic" electoral system by then.

Speaking on a Metro Finance radio programme yesterday, Lam said it was crucial the community gained experience in constitutional development in 2012. "The implementation of universal suffrage in 2017 would be smoother if we do a `warm- up' first in 2012," he said.

Lam said the government would strive to inject more democratic elements into the electoral arrangements for 2012.

He said the administration was considering expanding the Election Committee and Legco.

"Increasing the number of Legco seats would provide more room for representatives from various sectors to participate in politics," Lam said.

The chief executive, who was speaking on an RTHK Radio 3 phone-in programme, said the existing method of electing functional constituency legislators did not meet the criteria for universal suffrage.

Tsang said it was up to local people to decide whether functional constituencies should be retained or abolished, but any changes to the electoral system had to secure a two-thirds majority in the legislature. "Half of our lawmakers come from functional constituencies. They need to be persuaded they should go self-destruct for the good of other people," he said.

Tsang insisted he had honoured the pledge he made when re-elected two years ago to resolve the issue of universal suffrage - by securing a timetable for its introduction from the National People's Congress Standing Committee.

In 2005, the government proposed doubling the Election Committee's membership to 1,600. As part of this, all 529 district councillors - including 102 appointed by the government - would have had a seat on the committee. It proposed expanding the number of lawmakers by 10, to 70 - with five directly elected and five chosen by district councillors.

Controvérsia na reforma do Legco em Hong Kong

Tsang says Legco trade seats need to change
Consultation to look at functional constituencies

Ambrose Leung and Albert Wong
South China Morning Post
October 16, 2009

The legislature's functional constituencies cannot survive in their present form and their future will be addressed in next month's consultation on the 2012 Legislative Council elections, Donald Tsang Yam-kuen said yesterday.

The chief executive said the controversial trade-based seats were "not totally compatible with the principles of equal and universal suffrage" and this would be a question to consider when designing electoral arrangements for the 2012 and 2016 Legco elections.

It was the clearest indication yet by Tsang that the trade-based seats, which now make up half the 60-seat legislature, will be modified.

Beijing has said universal suffrage can be introduced for the Legco election in 2020 and the chief executive election in 2017.

The chief executive's words drew a storm of criticism from democrats, who took them as a signal that the functional constituencies, which they want abolished, will stay.

"Functional constituencies in their present form are not totally compatible with the principles of equal and universal suffrage," Tsang, who barely mentioned electoral reform in his policy address on Wednesday, said during a rowdy question-and-answer session.

"They cannot be kept in their present form under the electoral system for Legco in 2020," he said. "Of course, we have to consider this issue in designing the methods for the elections in 2012 and 2016."

But Tsang also remained adamant that the consultation on reforms for 2012 would not include reference to the chief executive and all members of Legco being elected by universal suffrage in 2017 and 2020 respectively.

"I am worried that this will again result in no progress being made. I truly hope that nobody will create new obstacles in the path of reaching a consensus over the election methods on 2012," Tsang said. Citing the pan-democrats' blocking of the 2005 reform proposal, which they considered undemocratic, Tsang urged lawmakers to "learn the lesson" and "pursue democracy, rather than pursue the subject of democracy".

During the 90-minute session, Tsang brushed aside criticism that he had breached his 2007 election promise to resolve the question of universal suffrage during his term.

He said Beijing's decision in December 2007 ruling out universal suffrage in 2012 but allowing it to be introduced as early as 2017 was "almost the biggest landmark for constitutional reform" in Hong Kong's 150-year history. Asking Beijing to reverse that decision would be "almost mission impossible", he said.

Currently, all 3.3 million registered voters can vote for the 30 geographical constituency lawmakers, but only 230,000 can vote in the functional constituencies. Furthermore, 150,000 of those 230,000 voters are concentrated in one constituency - labour, which has three seats - prompting further criticism that the system puts too much power in the hands of an unrepresentative few.

Tsang's remarks angered Democratic Party vice-chairwoman Emily Lau Wai-hing. Her party and its allies have long called for functional constituencies to be abolished.

"Are you trying to tell Hong Kong people that even if we do have a fully elected legislature in 2020, there will still be traces of functional constituencies? That you will retain them in disguise?"

Democratic Party chairman Albert Ho Chun-yan, said the impression he received was that functional constituencies would be there to stay if they were amended somehow - which he suspected was Beijing's solution for maintaining a check on the pan-democrats in the legislature.

Lido noutro lado

Já lá vão alguns dias, mas achei curiosa esta perspectiva sobre as recentes eleições legislativas de Macau (ainda que não concorde com ela, entenda-se).

TDM Entrevista

Depois de uma pausa de Verão, o TDM Entrevista regressa à programação do Canal 1 neste domingo, às 20h00 (imediatamente antes do telejornal), agora em formato mais reduzido, de 30 minutos.

Este vosso protestante teve o prazer de ser o primeiro convidado da nova época. Breves excertos da entrevista foram transmitidos no telejornal de hoje e podem ser vistos aqui.

Compra de votos nas eleições legislativas

Vote-buying not as obvious but still widespread
Crackdown fails to stop giveaways

Fox Yi Hu
South China Morning Post
September 25, 2009

Despite a crackdown on vote-buying, the practice went underground and ballot-rigging through giveaways remained widespread in Macau's legislative election on Sunday.

Eilo Yu Wing-yat, assistant professor of politics at the University of Macau, said candidates appeared more constrained in campaigning compared with the 2005 legislative poll.

"Vote-buying turned low-key but the problem has not gone," he said. "Supermarket coupons worth a few hundred patacas were still being handed out at dinner parties."

The hawker-like agents seen openly walking around Macau streets offering freebies or directly buying votes in 2005 were not visible in the latest poll. But free meals and free rides were widely used to influence voters' decisions on and before polling day on Sunday.

It is widely known that in the 2005 poll, voter permits had a price of 500 patacas. Those receiving the cash would hand their permits to vote-buying agents, who returned them on polling day, with the expectation that the voter would opt for the favoured candidate.

But the government this year scrapped the use of such permits, allowing registered voters to simply use their Macau identity cards when casting ballots. Macau's Commission Against Corruption hailed the rule change as a deterrent to electoral fraud. However, there was still organised vote-buying in the build-up to the election, with the market price for each ballot ranging from 500 to 700 patacas.

Last Friday, graft-busters arrested a number of people who allegedly ran a vote-buying operation.

Their vote-buying task was subcontracted out three times and those dealing directly with voters offered to pay 500 to 700 patacas per ballot.

Although there were no voter permits, the alleged vote-buyers had been collecting identity documents from voters.

On the same day, graft-busters searched the office of a charity run by candidates Lai Cho-wai and Kuan Vai-lam and took away computers and documents.

Lai and Kuan said they were not involved in vote-buying and had no idea what the search was about.

Business has boomed at large Chinese restaurants in the past few months and restaurateurs openly admitted that it was due to election-related banquets.

Since last month, a social group supporting candidate Mak Soi-kun, who won a seat, has hosted nearly 20,000 people in 20 large parties at the Federal Restaurant.

Yu said many social groups had been mobilised to attract voters, especially through banquets.

"Many groups that had been inactive suddenly came back to life in the build-up to the election," the professor said. "They became a tool for canvassing or even vote-buying."

The government's move to fund banquets to mark two anniversaries helped the campaigning of some candidates, he said.

The government launched a costly scheme to mark both the 60th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic of China and the 10th anniversary of Macau's handover to China. It allowed social groups to apply for subsidies of up to 300 patacas per participant for organising celebrations, with each Macau resident limited to one event.

Many of the events, locally known as a "double celebration", turned out to be banquets with lucky draws.

Macau media reports said more than 500 groups applied for subsidies for 400,000 residents. Based on this figure, the government would have spent 120 million patacas.

On Sunday, several election teams mobilised fleets of taxis and private cars to send voters to 27 polling stations. The catch was that you had to vote for their candidates.

Driving voters to polling stations was permissible, the Electoral Affairs Commission said, but canvassing during the trip was forbidden.

At Fisherman's Wharf, people could eat for one pataca, but they were then asked to support candidate Melinda Chan Mei-yi, who later won a seat.

The Commission Against Corruption on Sunday arrested a man for driving a voter to a polling station and canvassing during the trip.

Macau's Legislative Assembly comprises 29 members, with 12 elected by popular vote, 10 elected through functional constituencies and seven appointed by the chief executive.

The 2005 vote was plagued with scandals, from minor bribes to direct vote-buying, and attacks on a candidate and a journalist.

Police and graft-busters arrested dozens of suspects, leading to four trials over ballot-buying. Wu Lin, a running mate of Fujian community leader Chan Meng-kam, was jailed for four years in 2007.

Political commentator Professor Larry So Man-yum, of Macau Polytechnic Institute, said voters showed higher awareness of electoral democracy and treated their ballots more seriously than in previous elections.

Contabilidade eleitoral

Nuno Lima Bastos
Jornal Tribuna de Macau
24 de Setembro de 2009

Encerrada que está, finalmente, a contagem (e recontagem) dos votos referentes às eleições legislativas de domingo passado, resolvi olhar para os números deste ano e de 2005, e começar a fazer comparações. Verifiquei, então, que:

– O número de eleitores inscritos passou de 220 653 para 248 708. Eram 28 055 potenciais novos votantes, um aumento de 12,71%;

– Já o número de pessoas que exerceram, efectivamente, o seu dever cívico progrediu de 128 830 para 149 006, o que significa mais 20 176 votos apurados do que há quatro anos – um crescimento de 15,66%;

– Da evolução destes dois conjuntos de valores resultou uma ténue subida da taxa de afluência às urnas, dos 58,39% de 2005 para os 59,91% deste ano (mais 1,5%). Por outras palavras, a abstenção diminuiu ligeiramente;

– A única candidatura cuja percentagem total de votos registou uma subida superior à da taxa de afluência às urnas (os 1,5% acima referidos) foi a União Para o Desenvolvimento, a lista dos operários, encabeçada por Kwan Tsui Hang (lista 12), já que teve 13,29% há quatro anos (correspondentes a 16 596 votos) e conseguiu 15,01% agora (22 101 votos). Isto é, tem mais 1,72% do total do que em 2005 (mais 5505 votos);

– As duas listas do Novo Macau Democrático venceram, no seu conjunto, estas eleições, com 28 210 votos, contra 23 489 no sufrágio anterior (mais 4721 votos), mas viram os operários encurtar um pouco a distância que os separa. Em percentagem total de votos, passaram de 18,81% para 19,16%. O mesmo é dizer, têm mais 0,35% do bolo do que antes;

– Analisando nesta perspectiva o desempenho de algumas das outras candidaturas repetentes, constatamos que Pereira Coutinho tem mais 0,95% do total de votos do que em 2005 (passou de 7,99% para 8,94%), Melinda Chan mais 0,69% do que o seu marido (de 4,87% para 5,56%), Ângela Leong mais 0,56% (de 9,32% para 9,88%) e Mak Soi Kun mais 0,52% do que o seu antecessor, Fong Chi Keong (de 6,83% para 7,35%). Com os kaifong, deu-se um fenómeno curioso: passaram de 9,60% para 10,21% (mais 0,61% do total), fruto de um reforço de 3048 votos, mas, ainda assim, perderam um deputado. Repare-se: na percentagem global dos escrutínios (que é o que decide a distribuição dos assentos parlamentares), os kaifong até cresceram mais do que os democratas (mais 0,61% contra mais 0,35%, respectivamente), mas perderam um deputado para estes, o que é bem revelador do acerto da estratégia de Ng Kuok Cheong e Au Kam San em se dividirem por duas equipas, já que isso lhes permitiu obstar ao desperdício de votos verificado em 2005;

– Chan Meng Kam não perdeu o seu companheiro de bancada, mas nem por isso se pode dar por muito satisfeito: desbaratou 2926 seguidores e emagreceu de 16,57% do total para 12,07% (menos 4,5%). O que lhe valeu foi a “reserva” de há quatro anos (os votos que então não lhe chegaram para meter o terceiro deputado);

– Já Casimiro Pinto, até conseguiu mais 39 “sins” do que Sales Marques (931 contra 892), mas deteriorou o desempenho percentual do seu predecessor (0,63% do total, contra 0,71% – uma descida de 0,08%). Um fraco resultado; ainda mais, tendo em conta o esforço de alargamento do projecto a outras comunidades. Até Lee Kin Yun, o jovem radical da lista 9, conseguiu ultrapassar a Voz Plural, quase duplicando a votação obtida em 2005 (de 655 para 1162 votos) e passando de 0,52% para 0,79% do total de boletins apurados – e, praticamente, sem quaisquer meios...

Dos valores acima apresentados, pode concluir-se, com segurança, que o desempenho das diversas candidaturas se manteve bastante estável, apenas se destacando o “pulo” dos operários e a penalização do grupo de Fujian; contudo, em ambos os casos, sem qualquer efeito prático no número de deputados conquistados. Aliás, como também pudemos constatar, a única “transferência da época” deveu-se, tão-somente, a uma inteligente gestão do seu “mercado” pelos democratas.

Resta acrescentar que, assumindo as listas 4 e 15 como duas partes do mesmo corpo, os doze lugares da Assembleia Legislativa a preencher por sufrágio directo e universal ficaram, uma vez mais, nas mãos de oito concorrentes, que açambarcaram 88,18% dos votos apurados (mais 0,9% do que em 2005 – 87,28% –, provavelmente por efeito da diminuição do número de listas que se apresentaram a votos).

Nota: agradeço ao Bairro do Oriente a selecção desta crónica para as suas «Leituras» da semana.

Resultados finais das legislativas 2009

Debate eleitoral no Clube Militar

(in Ponto Final, 21-9-2009. Clicar nas imagens para ver o texto em tamanho grande)

Vitória dos democratas em Macau

Macau democrats gain after bruising election campaign

Reuters in Hong Kong
South China Morning Post
September 21, 2009

Residents of Macau turned out in record numbers to elect a new legislature with pro-democracy politicians in the China-ruled gambling hub making small gains despite an aggressive smear campaign by rivals.

At a time of flux in Macau, initial results published on Monday showed Macau's pro-democracy camp winning three of 12 directly elected seats in the 29-seat legislative assembly - one more than the previous four-year term.

Analysts and democrats said this increase, though marginal, when coupled with a record 60 per cent or so voter turnout, symbolised a greater public desire for improved governance and direct elections by 2019, the earliest potential window.

“We hope [Beijing] will now pave the road for [full] democracy,” said Antonio Ng, a democratic lawmaker, after breaking out the champagne to celebrate his re-election, with one in five voters backing pro-democracy candidates on the day.

Among the other winners were ailing gambling tycoon Stanley Ho Hung-sun's fourth wife Angela Leong On-kei, with the legislature responsible for green-lighting potential future gaming policies.

While Macau has cleaned up its seedy image with the influx of Las Vegas gaming giants - subject to tighter US regulatory oversight than local operators - the vast sums of money pouring into gaming halls have still left Macau susceptible to official corruption, organised crime syndicates and money laundering.

Seventeen of the 29 seats were directly appointed by Macau's leader or selected by special interest groups.

Macau's incoming leader Fernando Chui Sai-on was returned unopposed in a small-circle selection process during the summer.

Unlike neighbouring Hong Kong which has a lively opposition pro-democracy camp and plans direct elections in 2017, Macau, which reverted from Portuguese to Chinese rule in 1999, has not yet come up with a timetable for universal suffrage.

Ng, who along with veteran lawmaker Au Kam-san has fought a lonely and quixotic battle for full democracy in Macau's pro-Beijing legislature, said their election had been hit by a multi-pronged smear campaign seemingly orchestrated by powerful insiders through pro-government newspapers, including some well-timed exposes based on leaked confidential police records.

“Despite all the negative news, the people have affirmed my watchdog role,” Au told reporters by phone from Macau.

Resultados (quase finais...) das legislativas 2009

Os brindes do dia das eleições

Free rides, free food and big turnout in Macau poll

Fox Yi Hu
South China Morning Post
September 21, 2009

Tourists had a tough time finding taxis yesterday in Macau, but you could enjoy a free ride to dozens of spots, if you knew the trick.

Free rides and free meals were just two of the gimmicks supporters adopted in their effort to get people to vote in the city's legislative elections, held from 9am to 9pm, to return 12 directly elected lawmakers.

Fifty-nine per cent of registered voters - 148,977 people - had cast their ballots by 9pm when the polls closed. Turnout was 1.2 per cent higher than four years ago.

Results were expected to be announced early this morning.

With counting completed at 10 of 28 polling stations (including one in jail), heading the voting were the teams led by Kwan Tsui-hang, of the pro-government Federation of Trade Unions; democrat Antonio Ng Kuok-cheong; Fujian community leader Chan Meng-kam; Ho Ion-sang, from the pro-government General Union of Neighbourhood Associations; and Angela Leong On-kei, fourth wife of casino mogul Stanley Ho Hung-sun.

Some voters expressed concerns about corruption in Macau, pointing to Ao Man-long, the former secretary for transport and public works, who was jailed for 28-1/2 years last year for bribe-taking and money laundering.

Several election teams mobilised fleets of taxis and private cars to send voters to 27 poll stations across the city. The catch was that you had to vote for their candidates.

Driving voters to poll stations was permissible, the Electoral Affairs Commission said, but canvassing during the trip was forbidden.

Many taxis gathered at the Landmark Hotel and the Fisherman's Wharf, both owned by tycoon David Chow Kam-fai and whose wife Melinda Chan Mei-yi headed a list of candidates, but their drivers declined to take passengers.

This correspondent posed as a voter and asked to get into one of the cabs, but a man organising the affair said I would first have to agree to support Chan's team.

The cab was shared by a middle-aged woman who wore an orange sticker in support of Chan's "team orange", but she later removed it, saying it probably wouldn't be allowed when casting her ballot. The woman said she had already had free tea and dim sum at the Landmark Hotel.

Over at the Fisherman's Wharf, people could eat for one pataca but they were then asked to head to polling stations and support Chan.

Hundreds of casino workers from Ho's gaming company SJM Holdings were bused to polling stations to support Leong.

Only 12 of the 29 seats in Macau's legislature are directly elected; seven are appointed by the chief executive and 10 lawmakers represent functional constituencies.

Macau Chief Executive Edmund Ho Hau-wah appointed Jose Chui Sai-peng, a younger brother of chief executive-elect Dr Fernando Chui Sai-on, as a lawmaker in 2005.

At the polling station at Our Lady of Fatima Girls' School in the north of Macau Peninsula, Tsoi Man-tat, 72, shook slightly as he walked slowly forward with the help of his wife. Nearly falling over when he missed a step, Tsoi said he had insisted in coming to vote despite his severe heart problems. He said he wanted good legislators who would keep corruption out of government. "Macau is progressing, but it's bad that we had corrupt officials such as Ao Man-long," Tsoi said. "I hope there won't be any more corruption."

Cheong U, the head of the Commission Against Corruption of Macau, said the number of corruption complaints in relation to the election was sharply lower than for the 2005 poll. The commission had received 231 complaints concerning the election by Friday, compared to 440 for the 2005 poll, Cheong said.

Four election-related cases had been put on file by the commission for investigation this year, compared to 13 for the 2005 poll, he said.

The commission received 56 complaints about irregularities yesterday, down 40 per cent on election day four years ago.

It said many complaints involved illegal electioneering, with one man being arrested.

A few alleged that some candidate groups had engaged in vote buying, but they were proved to be untrue after investigation.

On Friday, graft-busters arrested a number of people who were allegedly offering voters 500 to 700 patacas to cast their ballots for certain candidates.

Resultados de 2005

A título de referência, aqui ficam os resultados das eleições legislativas de 2005.

Noite eleitoral no Clube Militar

O jornal Ponto Final e a revista Macau Closer organizaram uma interessante e agradável noite eleitoral no bar do Clube Militar, que contou, na fase inicial, com diversos dos candidatos à Assembleia Legislativa: José Pereira Coutinho e Rita Santos, da Nova Esperança (lista 2), Agnes Lam e James Chu, do Observatório Cívico (lista 6), e Paul Pun, da Associação de Apoio à Comunidade e Proximidade do Povo (lista 16). Aqui ficam algumas imagens dessa iniciativa:

Só foi pena a inacreditável delonga na divulgação de resultados pela organização das eleições, que impediu que os participantes os pudessem ir debatendo em directo...

Afluência às urnas

A evolução da votação e dos resultados pode ser acompanhada aqui.

Golpes baixos da campanha eleitoral

Scandals and smears abound as gloves come off for Macau's poll

Fox Yi Hu
South China Morning Post
September 20, 2009

Scandals emerged and smear campaigns intensified in the build-up to Macau's legislative poll today, catching voters by surprise and making it harder to predict the winners in the 12 directly elected seats.

Popular new government policies announced last week, soon after pro-government candidates called for them, are also expected to affect the election.

Political commentator Professor Larry So Man-yum, of Macau Polytechnic Institute, said competition would be fierce, with no team winning more than two seats.

So said a large-scale smear campaign would harm two teams of democrats, limiting their chances of winning four seats.

"There has been a well-organised smear campaign," So said. "Some people are very afraid of democrats winning four seats and are therefore trying to hammer them."

Only 12 of the 29 seats in Macau's legislature are directly elected; seven are appointed by the chief executive and 10 lawmakers represent functional constituencies.

Analysts say the strongest contenders include Antonio Ng Kuok-cheong, a democrat whose team won the highest number of votes in 2005, Fujian community leader Chan Meng-kam, Jose Coutinho, an activist for civil servants, Angela Leong On-kei, fourth wife of casino mogul Stanley Ho Hung-sun, and Kwan Tsui-hang, of the pro-government Federation of Trade Unions.

Democrats, led by Ng and Au Kam-san, are looking to extend their presence in the legislature by splitting into two teams in pursuit of four seats.

Au, who leads the second democratic team, is one of Macau's best-known government watchdogs.

But his team is battling accusations spread on the internet and published in pro-government newspapers.

It was revealed last week that Ng Seng-fong, No4 on Au's candidate list, had been found guilty of fraud on July 15.

A message posted on the internet on Monday revealed Ng Seng-fong's court case and contained a confidential police file with her personal and family details. Ng Seng-fong's place on Au's candidate list was confirmed on July 22, a week after the court sentenced her to three years and three months in jail.

Au said it was strange that the case had been tried without Ng Seng-fong's knowledge and that the court had neither summonsed her to hear the judgment nor put her in jail.

The court found that she had swindled a business partner out of about 300,000 patacas. She said the alleged victim was her former boyfriend, and the suit was filed in 2005.

Ng Seng-fong pulled out of the election on Wednesday while insisting she was innocent.

Another police file, leaked last week, revealed that another running mate of Au had been caught drink-driving in February.

Accusations against Au, including that he was a Falun Gong practitioner, that he had a secret political deal with Fernando Chui Sai-on, Macau's chief executive-elect, and that he kept a concubine, spread on Macau's online forums. Pro-government newspapers appeared keen to pick up on these accusations.

Au described the accusations as the biggest challenge he has faced since he first ran for a legislature seat in 1992.

"I have never before experienced such an overwhelming smear campaign against me," he said.

So said a few popular government policies announced in the past few days would sway the election in favour of candidates from the Federation of Trade Unions and the General Union of Neighbourhood Associations.

A scheme to enhance social welfare for people on low incomes was announced a day after the Federation of Trade Union said it would push for such a scheme.

The government also announced that it would begin accepting applications for public housing in December - a day after the General Union of Neighbourhood Associations vowed to push for public housing.

Another policy revealed last week looks set to benefit Chan, a wealthy businessman who has support from residents of Fujian origin.

It was revealed "over-aged" children of Macau residents would soon be allowed to apply to settle in Macau.

Under the new policy, abode claimants who were under 14 on November 1, 2001, and have at least one parent who is a permanent resident of Macau will be eligible to apply for a one-way permit. Members of the Fujian community, led by Chan, have long been fighting for their children's Macau residency.

The team of businessmen Lai Cho-wai and Kuan Vai-lam has found itself embroiled in a vote-buying scandal.

Anti-graft officers searched the office of a charity group run by the pair on Friday and took away four people from the office for questioning.

Lai and Kuan said they were not involved in vote-buying and had no idea what the search was about.

Polling will run from 9am to 9pm, with results about midnight.

Reflexões de campanha (II)

Nuno Lima Bastos
Jornal Tribuna de Macau
17 de Setembro de 2009

Estamos a escassos dias de escolher doze dos nossos representantes na Assembleia Legislativa (diria mesmo, os nossos únicos verdadeiros representantes, considerando a forma como os demais deputados e o Chefe do Executivo são apurados) e constato que diversas das listas concorrentes ao sufrágio de domingo continuam a fazer tábua rasa das instruções da Comissão dos Assuntos Eleitorais. Ainda ontem à tarde, deparei-me com um sem número de cartazes de uma das candidaturas afixados na entrada e nas montras de uma grande loja de electrodomésticos no NAPE, a curta distância das instalações do Ministério Público... Não sei se estes abusos produzem algum efeito positivo no sentido de voto dos eleitores (em mim, o resultado é precisamente o oposto), mas não deixa de me impressionar a impunidade com que estas situações se vão sucedendo dia após dia.

Depois, há os brindes e as refeições grátis. Ninguém pode quantificar ao certo o seu peso nas contas finais, mas não me esqueço do famoso candidato a uma autarquia do norte de Portugal que se dizia andar a distribuir pequenos electrodomésticos durante as suas acções de campanha. Os críticos vaticinavam que a população agiria de forma “manhosa”: ficava com as ofertas, mas não alterava o sentido do voto. Puro engano: os órgãos autárquicos mudaram mesmo de mãos! Por isso, não julgo serem de menosprezar os lamentos de alguns candidatos em relação ao potencial destes métodos, especialmente quando muitos eleitores de Macau sentem que o seu voto para nada serve, já que os deputados eleitos continuarão em minoria no parlamento e a ter pouco poder face ao Governo. Por isso, entre nada e uns mimos, que venham os mimos e o generoso candidato até pode levar o nosso voto.

Como já escrevi há quatro anos, só vejo duas formas de esta realidade mudar significativamente: com um grande investimento público na formação cívica dos cidadãos e com um forte alargamento do sufrágio directo e universal, até à sua completa generalização. Ora, estes são, precisamente, os dois esforços que o poder político em Macau teima em não fazer. Arriscamo-nos, assim, a continuar a assistir a condutas que, na prática, não diferem muito da corrupção eleitoral e a ouvir, dentro de quatro anos, o Governo argumentar que, uma vez mais, ainda não há condições para termos mais deputados eleitos directamente pelos residentes permanentes do território.

Enfim, tentando não chorar muito sobre o leite derramado, vamos, então, às opções para domingo. Tenho amigos, conhecidos e pessoas que muito prezo envolvidas em diversas listas. Porém, o dever cívico que me é solicitado cumprir não é que escolha amigos.

Reconheço bastante valor em vários candidatos colocados em posições não elegíveis; ou seja, abaixo do número dois (sendo que, na maioria dos casos, nem o número dois da lista pode ser considerado, realisticamente, elegível). Todavia, com franqueza, estes candidatos em lugares não elegíveis não aquecem nem arrefecem, já que não têm qualquer hipótese de chegar à Assembleia Legislativa. De que me serve, por exemplo, que o terceiro (ou o segundo) nome da lista “A” ou “B” seja um excelente jurista ou um excelente economista? Por muito que eu vote nessa lista, nunca o conseguirei eleger!

Algumas candidaturas têm organizado interessantes iniciativas, promovendo o debate de ideias e a sensibilização dos cidadãos para os mais diversos problemas que a todos afligem. Independentemente da votação que obtiverem daqui a dias, esse mérito já ninguém lhes tira. Mas também não é isso que vai a jogo no domingo, até porque a continuidade dessas acções não depende da obtenção de um assento parlamentar.

Do mesmo modo, não vamos eleger um governo, nem sequer a maioria dos legisladores. Daí que os programas eleitorais também não tenham, em boa verdade, grande significado. Aliás, até poderão tê-lo, mas mais pela negativa: um princípio ou uma proposta condenáveis (como a destruição do nosso património arquitectónico ou a total privatização da saúde) seriam, ou deveriam ser, motivo suficiente para a ostracização de uma candidatura. De resto, desde que não se meta uma “argolada”, os detalhes de cada programa passarão ao lado de quase todos nós.

Tudo ponderado, o que realmente me interessa é escolher pessoas que possam contribuir para um maior equilíbrio de forças dentro da Assembleia Legislativa, e entre esta e o órgão executivo (que já tem dezassete aliados garantidos no hemiciclo). Pessoas com competência, mas também com a necessária coragem e descomprometimento para fiscalizar o Governo e fazer frente aos poderes instalados na nossa sociedade. Pessoas que não confundam consensos com capitulação – porque ceder a tudo o que nos é imposto não é ser consensual, nem é promover a harmonia; é capitular. Em política, só há consensos razoáveis quando ambos os lados têm força e coragem suficientes para defender os seus valores. Tudo o resto são falsos consensos e falsas harmonias!

É isto que vai estar em causa no próximo domingo, quando pusermos o nosso carimbo no boletim de voto, e é isto que temos que sopesar quando formos decidir entre os diversos candidatos que julgamos elegíveis. Pense bem, porque o seu voto pode, afinal, ser mais importante do que pensa! E que vençam os melhores!

Propaganda irregular

Esta fotografia foi tirada hoje, à hora de almoço, no NAPE. Nela, pode ver-se material de propaganda de uma lista afixado à porta de uma loja de electrodomésticos. Será possível que ninguém consiga pôr ordem nisto? Foi este o combate às irregularidades eleitorais que nos prometeram no ano passado, quando o Governo recusou o alargamento do sufrágio universal?

As eleições na Wikipedia

A Voz Plural parece andar num jogo de ping-pong com a Wikipedia: depois de um artigo sobre aquela lista ter sido apagado, ao que parece, duas vezes no mesmo dia (a 6 deste mês, conforme se pode verificar pela fotografia da minha anterior posta), está novamente disponível desde esta manhã.

Ninguém os pode acusar de falta de persistência ou de atenção neste campo: é que o artigo voltou àquela enciclopédia online poucas horas depois de eu ter escrito aqui sobre o assunto, quando tinha estado nove dias apagado...

As próximas eleições legislativas de Macau são objecto de uma interessante cobertura neste outro artigo da Wikipedia, com links para diversas das listas e candidatos concorrentes, assim como os resultados de há quatro anos.

Curiosamente, as únicas listas apontadas como tendo uma plataforma «pró-democracia» são as duas do Novo Macau Democrático, a de Lee Kin Yun e a de Agnes Lam. A Nova Esperança é associada aos trabalhadores da administração pública e a Voz Plural ao multiculturalismo.